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The 1956 Dalit Conversion to Buddhism: The Spiritual Aspect

The 1956 mass conversion to Buddhism by Dr Ambedkar has generally been generally looked upon as an exercise on the part of the Dalits to mark their ceremonial exit from the iniquitous Hindu caste system.  While there is little doubt that the freedom from the caste system, however symbolic, was the most prominent object of the 1956 conversion, its spiritual aspect was no less significant. This article delves into the spiritual aspect of the event and elaborates on Dr Ambedkar's reinterpretation of Buddhism

Dr Ambedkar addressing the Deeksha gathering
According to Ambedkar, the real objective of a religion should be the spiritual development of individuals . . Personally, Ambedkar rated the spiritual aspect of religion to be more important than the existential aspect. For the sake of Dalits, he would emphasize the existential utility of religion. . . However, the choice of religion that Ambedkar made in 1956 was quite contrary to this existential consideration. It appears that his spiritual consideration eventually overwhelmed the existential one.’
Anil Teltumbde, 2018 (as quoted by Mihir Shah)
    
    The 1956 mass conversion to Buddhism by Dr Ambedkar has generally been generally looked upon as an exercise on the part of the Dalits to mark their ceremonial exit from the iniquitous Hindu caste system.  While there is little doubt that the freedom from the caste system, however symbolic, was the most prominent object of the 1956 conversion, its spiritual aspect was no less significant. Had it not been so, Ambedkar would not have burnt midnight oil to study the religion in depth and present it again for his followers in a new form. The traditional Buddhism had already rejected the Hindu caste system, and had freedom from the caste system been the sole object of the conversion, it would have sufficed for Ambedkar to direct his followers to merely convert to Buddhism in its received form. That he did not do so and went ahead to found the Navyana school of Buddhism indicated that he deeply intended to see post conversion an inner transformation in the new entrants to the faith.
    The conversion to Buddhism thus asked the new entrants not only to abandon once for all the caste iniquities that had utterly ruined their inner spirit and self-respect; it also asked them to embark upon
Dr Ambedkar and Dr Savita
accepting the Deeksha
a new journey of spiritual growth in their own life.  The conversion to Buddhism offered them an opportunity to open their mind to an era of spiritual and personal development based on the new tenets of Buddhism as set forth by Ambedkar. In his numerous discourses to his followers, Ambedkar had tirelessly exhorted them to adopt new norms for their personal betterment and development in matters of personal hygiene, appearance and choice of occupation. The conversion to Buddhism however made demands on their abilities for spiritual development as well. It was this intense urge of his for the creation of a new human being post conversion that impelled him to embark upon reforms in the ancient religion.
    Ambedkar had a deep faith in the power of the religion to persuade people to look beyond their self-interest. They are not as willing to do so with secular values however moral and dignified they may be. He therefore was of a firm opinion that an ethical society can rest only on the firm foundations of a religion.
     Yet it was important for him that a religion did not create in its followers a fatalistic attitude toward their life and a longing for the supernatural. He wanted therefore a religion that respected the spirit of scientific enquiry and promoted the well-being of the individual here on this earth. For the millions of his Dalit brethren, he needed a religion that was consistent with a milieu of equal opportunities and that motivated them to strive for a better standard of life, materialistic as well as spiritual- a religion that promoted the values of fraternity, equality and liberty that were conducive to the wholesome development of an individual.
    
Dr Ambedkar with Dr  Savita
holding a Buddha image
While Ambedkar’s interest in Buddhism began as early as 1908 when his teacher, K. A. Keluskar, gave him a copy of the life of Buddha, an in-depth comparative study of Hinduism, Islam, Chistianity and Buddhism in later years had convinced Ambedkar that Buddhism happened to be the religion that was closest to his idea of religion. Buddha had rejected the hierarchical caste structure in Hinduism which Ambedkar felt was the most prominent feature of Hinduism and a source of economic and social slavery of the low castes.  Unlike Islam, Hinduism, Christianity and most religions, Buddhism was devoid of the concept of God and reposed its faith in the natural order of cause and effect as the base of universe. As such Buddha had emphasised the role of reason as against faith or superstition as a perspective on life. Buddha did not regard himself as God or his prophet and bestowed full freedom on his disciples to question his views if they felt so. Buddha had no faith in the existence of soul either. Above all the role of morality- relationship between men- and compassion was central to the Buddhist thought. Buddhism he felt was wholly consistent with the values of science and democracy.  Thus in view of the liberal teachings of Buddha that reckoned with the free development of an individual and importance of social equality, Ambedkar opted for Buddhism as a religion for himself and for millions of India’s Dalits. Ambedkar felt free, in view of the Buddha’s liberal and welcoming attitude toward the criticism of his own teachings, to reinterpret the Buddha’s teachings that suited the demands of the time particularly in the context of the uplift of his Dalit followers. Buddhism was at once rational, secular, moral and egalitarian.
The criteria for reinterpretation
Ambedkar’s reinterpretation of the Buddha’s teachings may be said to be based on three broad criteria. These were:
1. Rationality: Since Buddha’s teachings have been known to be rational, anything that did not meet this criterion was not a part of the Buddhist ideology. The non-rational additions, Ambedkar said, were mostly added later by the Buddha’s disciples and need to be discarded.
2. Social Morality: Social morality is very crucial Buddhist thought and any view that does not relate to social well-being should not be accepted as a part of Buddhist thought.
3. Adaptability: While Buddha was definite and clear on certain matters, he was flexible on others. These can be adapted and interpreted in the context of changing times.
Dharma and Dhamma
     Ambedkar traces the origin of religion (Dharma) to attempts by the primitive man to explain the mystery of natural phenomena like lightening, rain and flood. This effort to uncover the mystery of these natural phenomena and bring them under human control has gone in his view through different stages. These can be identified as four broad stages in the evolution of religion. In this, the first stage was the magic performed to curb the disastrous consequences of the natural phenomena. The stage of magic evolved into a belief- the second stage- that there exists some power –malevolent as well as benevolent-which causes these phenomena to occur. In the third stage this power came to be known as God who was believed to have created the world. The fourth stage was characterised by a belief in soul which is eternal and answerable to God. Thus a religion at its final stage is essentially characterised by a belief in God and soul.
     If so, Buddhism is not a religion in the conventional sense in that it believes neither in God nor in soul. There is no element of supernatural in what Buddha called Dhamma. Dhamma is different from religion (Dharma) and therefore must not be translated as religion. Dhamma, the second of the three jewels of Buddhism the others being the Buddha and the Sangha, holds a prominent place in Ambedkar’s interpretation of Buddhism. Some of the distinguishing features of Dhamma as viewed by Ambedkar may be summed up as follows:
a. Dhamma is devoid of the element of supernatural: Unlike most religions, Dhamma reckons with no supernatural elements. Thus while most religions recognise the concepts of God and soul, Dhamma does not. Dhamma also does not accept the supernatural ideas of rebirth and moksha as recognised by Hinduism. The concept of nirvana in Buddhism has no supernatural element in it since it refers to a state of mind achieved by an individual right in his present life. In other words, a person reaches the state of nirvana while he is still living. Nirvana refers to the control over passion by following the path of righteousness. Nirvana can be said to be another name for righteous life.
b. Dhamma is a way of life based on morality: The religion of Buddha, Ambedkar says, is morality. In Buddhism in place of God, there is morality. In other words Buddhism regards God as subordinate to morality. It means that unlike in other religions actions are to be performed or not performed not in accordance with whether they are sanctioned or not sanctioned by God but according to whether they are right (moral) or wrong (immoral).
c. Dhamma is social: In view of Ambedkar, religion can be practised by an individual all alone. But Dhamma cannot be practised independent of society. This is because in Dhamma actions are judged moral or immoral in relation to their potential to benefit other human beings. They do not require divine sanction to be judged moral or otherwise. In Dhamma, a person has to be moral not in order to please God but to enhance his own well-being.  It is in their own interest for men to love other men and be compassionate towards them. This explains why love and compassion between people are central to the concept of Dhamma.
Dhamma, Adhamma and Saddhamma     
     Ambedkar has further elaborated the concept of Dhamma distinguishing it from Addhamma and Saddhama. Dhamma refers to the way of life of an individual which is free from the supernatural, is based on morality and is practised in relation to other men. It shows an individual a way to attain nirvana. In the sense that Dhamma cannot be practised alone by an individual, Dhamma is social but Dhamma gets social perspective only when it becomes Saddhamma. Till then Dhamma remains limited to a personal pursuit of spiritual and moral values as in the case of attainment of nirvana.
The purpose of Saddhamma is to clear the mind of all impurities (negative feelings) and create on this very earth what Ambedkar calls ‘a kingdom of righteousness’ through righteous behaviour by following the Panchsheela, the Ashtanga Marga and the Paramitas.
     The Saddhamma as against the Dhamma takes a macro view of social well-being and exhorts the laity not to be bothered about the imaginary heaven after death. It appeals them to create a heaven right here on this earth. Similarly Dhamma becomes Saddhamma when learning is not confined to a certain sections of society but opens it to all. In the same vein, Ambedkar underlines in Saddhamma the significance of Pradnya (insight as against mere knowledge), Panchsheela (character), Karuna (compassion toward the poor, aged and unprotected) and finally the Maitri (love for all living beings, toward the whole living environment).
     Ambedkar further makes annihilation of the Chaturvarnya system, the application of the doctrine of worth rather than birth as a measure of a person’s abilities and acceptance of social equality as a goal of human efforts to be the part of Saddhamma.
     Adhamma consists of beliefs in the supernatural, in the ideas of God and soul, in the ability of rituals like sacrifices to yield the desired results, in views based on speculation (as the origin of the universe) rather than facts, in mere reading of books without understanding them and in the infallibility of books.
Buddhism: The New Form
     In his preface to Buddha and His Dhamma, Ambedkar has identified four areas where he has departed from the traditional interpretation of the Buddha’s views. These have been:
1. Siddharth’s acceptance of the life of a Parivrajaka: As the Buddhist tradition has it, Siddharth, a prince by birth living a life of utmost luxury, took to the life of the Parivrajaka (wandering religious mendicant), as a result of a deep and saddening impact on his mind following the sights for the first time in his life, of an old person, a sick man, a corpse, and a wandering ascetic. The sights led Siddharth into a state of deep depression and to enter upon a life of Parivrajaka later.
     Ambedkar wholly dismisses the possibility of Siddhartha not having ever encountered these sights upto that age of 29 when he took the Parivraja. He finds the traditional explanation utterly ‘absurd’ and relates Siddharth’s Parivraja to the conflict between the Sakyas and Kolias happening then over the sharing of water of the river Rohini. As Ambedkar relates in The Buddha and His Dhamma, Siddharth who belonged to the clan of Shakyas advised against going to the war with the Kolias. However the Sakya Sangh passed a resolution in favour of the war and asked Siddharth i. to participate in the war by joining the forces or ii. face exile or death penalty or iii. accept condemnation and social boycott of his family as also the confiscation of its property. Of these the first and the third were obviously unacceptable to Siddharth since the first went against his principle of non-violence and peace and the third for no fault of theirs caused pain and harassment to his family. Siddharth accepted the second punishment which however required the permission from the king of the Kosalas. Siddharth however avoided this step by volunteering to take Parivraja thus exiling himself rather than being ordered exiled from Kapilvastu by the king of Kosalas.
     Ambedkar thus states that Siddharth took Parivraja not out of a depressed state of mind resulting from the saddening sights he encountered but out of his deep commitment to peace and opposition to the impending war. This interpretation by Ambedkar of Buddha’s Parivraja was in keeping with his own anti-pessimistic view of life upholding the cause of the spiritual development of his Dalit brethren.
2. The Four Aryan Truths: The Four Aryan Truths represent the second area of Buddhism where Ambedkar has departed from the conventional viewpoint. The four truths have been a very sacrosanct part of the established Buddhist thought and are regarded as an essence of Buddha’s teachings.
■ The first truth –dukkha or the world is full of suffering – highlights the fact of the all-pervading presence of suffering in human life on this earth. The depressing sights that Siddharth saw were all depictions of different kinds of sufferings. The suffering may result from outward causes like illness or bereavement or it may result from within- a lack of fulfilment within. (Diagnosis of the problem)
■ The second truth- samudaya  or this suffering is caused by the continuing craving - identifies the cause of this suffering which is our craving, desire or attachment (tanha). At the root of this constant craving are Three Poisons or Three Fires, namely, a. greed or desire for material or sensual pleasure, b. ignorance or delusion and c. hatred or destructive urges. The three poisons in turn cause the dukkha. The craving or tanha is ever increasing and can never be satisfied fully. Its satisfaction is never permanent as a result of which it leads to more suffering. Thus birth, death. oldage, disease, deprivation all lead to human suffering.  (Identification of the cause of the problem)
■ The third truth- nirodh or the suffering can be brought to an end – is the realisation that the elimination of desire and attachment (tanha)  is possible which finally results in the cessation of suffering. The elimination of the desire and attachment is possible through nirvana or enlightenment. Nirvana means extinguishing the three fires of greed, delusion and hatred. The state of Nirvana does not have to be achieved after death. It is a state of mind that a person can reach while still living.  ‘It is a state of profound spiritual joy, without negative emotions and fears.’ Someone who has attained the state of nirvana or enlightenment is filled with compassion for all living things. (Realisation of the cure for the problem).
■ The fourth truth- marga or there is a path to end the suffering- points out to the existence of the Noble Eightfold Path (Ashtangmarga) toward the elimination of desire or attachment, and the attainment of the Nirvana. (Prescription for the solution to the problem)
     The Eightfold Path is a set of eight principles that prescribe avoidance of both excess indulgence and severe asceticism since neither of them Buddha had found to be helpful for attainment of the Nirvana. The Path is also therefore known as the Middle Way. It consists of right understanding, right intention, right speech, right action, right livelihood, right effort, right mindfulness and right concentration.
     Despite the central place that the Four Noble Truths hold in Buddhism, Ambedkar feels that they are ‘a great stumbling block for non-Buddhists in accepting the gospel of Buddhism.’ Probably because of their overemphasis on the suffering in human life, Ambedkar feels that the four truths deny any hope to man and are therefore in his words ‘a gospel of pessimism’. As he says, if life, death and rebirth are all regarded as sorrow, ‘then there is an end of everything and neither religion, nor philosophy can help a man achieve happiness in the world’. He wonders if the Four Truths were a part of the original gospel or were added later by the monks. Ambedkar has however accepted the Eightfold Path in the Fourth Truth that leads to attainment of the nirvana which however according to him is a wholly worldly non-supernatural phenomenon.
     In Ambedkar’s inter-personal social relations are central to the Buddhist thought. The human poverty and suffering in the world in Buddha’s view owed its existence to the man-made as against the natural factors. It was the social injustice, economic inequalities and human conflict that led to the human suffering. These were not supernatural factors and the Buddha has shown the way to overcome them.
     According to the tradition the Four Truths were related by the Buddha to his first five disciples (Parivrajakas) as a part of his first sermon after the Enlightenment delivered at the Deer Park at Sarnath near Banares.
     Ambedkar departs from this version and presents the teachings of the Buddha contained in the sermon in terms of the Path of Purity, the Path of Righteousness and the Path of Virtue which respectively consist of the Five Precepts (Panchsheel), the Eightfold Path (Ashtangmarga) and the States of Perfection (the ten Paramitas). This was the new Dhamma essential for the spiritual development of a Buddhist. Going through the contents of these three prescriptions, one is left with little doubt that it is indeed so. The new Dhamma was consistent with modern values of science, has no element of supernatural in it and underlines morality in inter-personal relationships. It held out a solution to end human suffering.
3. Doctrines of soul, karma and rebirth: The ideas of soul, karma and rebirth came into being during the times of Upanishads (between 800 BC and 500 BC) and as such have predated Buddhism. The theory of Karma in Hinduism states that a person is responsible for his or her own action. Good or bad actions on a person’s part will accordingly lead to pleasant or painful consequences in his life. If a person does not live in his present life to enjoy or suffer these consequences, these will be carried to his next life where he will do so. Since Hinduism accepts the concept of soul, its karma theory has an acceptable logic of its own. This logic states that after the death of a person while his physical body is no more, his soul enters a new body (transmigration) through rebirth and thus experiences pleasure or pain in the new life resulting from his actions in previous life. The traditional Buddhism accepts the theory sans the concept of soul.
     Ambedkar however feels that the traditional karma theory to be valid requires acceptance of the concept of soul. However since Buddhism does not approve of the idea of soul, it cannot accept the theory and the idea of rebirth contained therein as expounded in Hinduism. He therefore offers a new explanation of the concept of rebirth.
     The traditional karma theory in Ambedkar’s view is embedded in social injustice. The theory assumes that a person is responsible for the pleasant and painful experiences in his life since these were caused by the person’s own actions either in his present or previous life. If accepted this would mean that a person afflicted with poverty and misery in his present life is responsible for his own suffering, and that the state or the wealthy sections of society need make no efforts to ameliorate the conditions of people like him. Worse, the theory encourages fatalism since it assumes even the poor and the unhappy can do little to improve their own state. The unfortunate themselves, it assumes, are responsible for their woes and can do little but to suffer them. With his profound emphasis on compassion or karuna as a prominent element of Buddhism, the Buddha was least likely to accept the logic of the traditional karma theory, Ambedkar felt.
     Thus Ambedkar did not believe as was expounded in Hinduism in the inheritance of the past karma or rebirth and its being carried into the future life. He believed the ‘Hindu doctrine of the past karma as the regulator of future life’ to be an wholly unjust in that it was propounded ‘to enable the state or the society to escape the responsibility for the condition of the poor and the lowly’.
     Ambedkar therefore offers his own explanation of the idea of rebirth consistent with the absence of soul. He interprets the Buddha saying that the human body is composed of four elements, namely, Prithvi (earth), Apa (water),  Tej (fire) and Vayu (air). When the human body dies, these four elements join the similar elements floating in the space. When these four elements floating in the space join together, a new birth takes place. In Ambedkar’s view this is what Buddha meant by rebirth. The elements, he says, need not be from one body; they may be from different dead bodies. Thus in his view while the body dies, the elements survive giving rise to new births. Thus it is just a new birth, not necessarily the rebirth of the person who has died. It is not rebirth of the soul or rebirth of the same person. This explanation of rebirth has no element of supernatural in it and is in keeping with the tenets of science. It does not require transmigration of soul and is in consonance with the law of conservation of energy in physics and chemistry which states that energy can neither be created nor destroyed; rather, it can only be transformed from one form to another. And this is what happens, Ambedkar believed, in the wake of the death of the physical body.
4. Bhikkhu Sangh: The fourth area of problem in Ambedkar’s view is the institution of the Bhikkhus created by the Buddha. Ambedkar here raises the moot question as to the purpose of the Buddha behind creating this institution. He wonders whether the Buddha’s objective behind creating the Bhikkhu was to create a ‘perfect man’ or whether it was to create a ‘social servant’. Ambedkar answers the question saying that the Buddha would certainly prefer the Bhikkhu to be a social servant rather than a perfect man. Ambedkar visualised the Bhikkhu to be a person wholly dedicated to the service of the people and to his role as their friend, philosopher and guide. On the other hand a Bhikkhu who was a perfect man but kept to himself was he felt a ‘selfish’ person and one who was of little use for the propagation of the Buddhism. A Bhikkhu, Ambedkar said, ‘who is indifferent to the woes of mankind, however perfect in self-culture, is not at all a Bhikkhu’.
     It is thus clear that Ambedkar did not want the Bhikkhu to work for his own personal spiritual development alone. A Bhikkhu was not supposed to be a mere preacher of Dhamma; he was expected to set an example of himself for the upasakas or laity as a person of a high moral character of Buddha’s vision. That was why the Buddha asked the Bhikkhus to abide by the strict rules of moral and ethical behaviour. The Sangh was supposed to be a model for the society to emulate- a model that was practicable and within reach of the common people.  For this reason for Ambedkar the social connection of the Bhikkhus with the laity was of supreme importance; it was the strength of this social connection with the laity that decided the ability of the Bhikkhus to spread Buddha’s social message among the common people and create eventually a society based on strong moral values. In this way ideally a Bhikkhu laboured hard not only to accomplish his own moral and spiritual growth but also to mitigate the suffering of the poor and the helpless. It was for this reason that he was called upon to give up the bonds of his family and home and dedicate himself fully to the service of the people. ‘But he does not retire from the world. He leaves home so that he may have the freedom and opportunity to serve those who are attached to their homes but whose life is full of sorrow and misery and who cannot help themselves’.
Concluding remarks
    A few thoughts that come to mind with regard to Ambedkar’s reinterpretation of Buddhism may be summed up as under:
■ The twin objectives of conversion
     The 1956 mass conversion to Buddhism had twin objectives of the rejection of and thus freedom from the Hindu caste system on the one hand, and post conversion, the personal spiritual growth of the convert on the other. Thus Ambedkar did not merely want his Dalit brethren to quit passively the caste system and assert they were no longer a part of it. Though this inner change that the new identity brought in them was very important, he wanted them to wear the identity and practise the new religion in a way that could help them in their own personal spiritual development. In his numerous speeches to his Dalit audience, Ambedkar is too often seen urging them to strive for their own personal growth rather than blame their fate for their condition. Thus he expected the conversion to usher in a new spirit of confidence and personal aspirations in his following.
■ A new philosophy of living for the socially relegated
     Even in its received form, Buddhism, Ambedkar felt, held out a prospect for a new philosophy of living for India’s Dalits and other socially relegated groups of the Hindu society. Buddhism, even in its traditional form, not only rejected the caste system of which the Dalits were victims for centuries; it also preached love and peace, and discounted a belief in the supernatural that included the ideas of God, soul and rebirth. It was a religion that went closest to the spirit of science, something that was urgently needed for India’s vast population afflicted with ignorance and superstition.  Had Ambedkar not reinterpreted Buddhism and asked his followers merely to convert to the new religion, they still stood to benefit from these fine traits of Buddhism.
     It is thus clear that Ambedkar undertook the reinterpretation of Buddhism with India’s Dalits and socially backward in mind. The traditional version of the Four Truths is probably a factor that attracts many an affluent section of people all over the world who have had a surfeit of materialism and are looking for an alternative means to lead a happier life. Ambedkar did not have these people in mind. He had India’s Dalits and the socially backward in mind who needed a philosophy that woke them up to a life of hope and confidence. They needed a philosophy that helped them realise their aspirations based on their own efforts, not on the supernatural. Buddhism based on the principles of equality, fraternity and liberty, devoid of fatalism and a belief in supernatural, he felt, provided a way out.
■ Social message and ‘morality’
     Ambedkar regarded social message and ‘morality’ as an integral part of a religion. For him the social message of a religious faith held great significance. He looked at Buddhism as an instrument of social change and transformation. That was why as seen above Ambedkar visualised the Bhikkhu to be a person wholly dedicated to the service of the people and to his role as their friend, philosopher and guide. He had no love lost for a religion that is personal and practised all alone as against Dhamma which he said was social and concerned with ‘right relations between man and man in all spheres of life’. In other words, he says ‘one man if he is alone does not need Dhamma. But when there are two men living in relation to each other, they must find a place for Dhamma whether they like it or not’.
     Morality understood as moral relations between people, Ambedkar felt, should be the base of a religious faith. But in most religions, he felt, morality is understood in relation to God who must decide an action to be moral or immoral, right or wrong. On the other hand in Ambedkar’s view, an action should be judged moral or immoral in relation to its contribution to the social well-being. He maintained that Dhamma as distinct from religion was nothing but morality, and that Dhamma, if practised by everyone, will lead to a society free of exploitation and based on fraternity, equality and liberty.
■ Gospel of Buddhism with a difference
     Ambedkar went beyond mere criticism of the received form of Buddhism and created a Gospel of Buddhism that played down fatalism in life and underlined optimism based on human effort.  Ambedkar’s version of the Four Truths should be regarded as the crux of his exercise of reinterpreting the received form of Buddhism. It respected the aspirations of the poor and the downtrodden for a decent life devoid of want and misery, and yet exhorted them to refrain from a life of indulgence by following the Noble Eightfold Path that stressed morality in life.
■ Ambedkar: An astonishingly religious radical
     Reading Ambedkar’s Buddha and His Dhamma, one often feels that he was more of a religious than a political radical. Yet he did not advocate a theocratic state and chose a religious philosophy that was consistent with the values of democracy and liberalism.  Ambedkar’s religious radicalism was astonishing and his courage of conviction total as we find him having no qualms about questioning the most basic tenets of Buddhism like The Four Noble Truths, which he dubbed ‘a gospel of pessimism’. In fact the right of criticism that the Buddha had bestowed upon his disciples probably appealed him the most and gave him courage to found a whole new body of thought in Buddhism, the Navayana School.  
    
     Ambedkar invested his last few years to an in-depth study of Buddhism. The Gospel of Buddhism that he created in the form of his ‘Buddha and His Dhamma’ was his last gift to his followers. Had he lived longer he would have chalked out a plan for the systematic propagation of Buddhism in India. His successors have probably not proved equal to the task. The policy of reservation that precludes religion-based benefits may also have been a stumbling block.  Buddhism in India, as a result, has largely remained confined to the Mahar community. The Buddhist population in the country numbers more than 8 million, less than 1 per cent of India’s total poulation. Yet in absolute terms, the size is not small. While conversion may not have brought them much economic benefit, it did bring in them a psychological change. It brought them closer to a life of self-respect and confidence and made them heir to the vast intellectual heritage of Buddhism. As Eleanor Zelliot says ‘The convert himself feels a release from the concept of pollution, a new freedom and self-respect’. For this reason alone, they can be ever grateful to Dr Ambedkar.

    
References:
1. Ambedkar B. R., The Buddha and His Dhamma (Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, 1992)
2. Ambedkar B. R. Buddha and Future of His Religion (Mahabodhi Society Journal May 1950)
3. Pandit Nalini,  Ambedkar (Granthali, 1996) (Marathi)
4. Pradeep Gokhale, Dr. Ambedkar’s Interpretation of Buddhism in The Philosophy of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar (IPQ Publication, Pune (2008). Available online.
5. Sangharakshita,  Ambedkar and Buddhism (Samyak Prakashan, 2017;Windhorse Publications, UK)
6. Gore M. S., The Social Context of an Ideology (Sage Publications, New Delhi, 1993)
7. Mihir Shah, Ambedkar’s Most Radical, Most Forgotten Legacy (The Beacon Webzine, April 2019)
8.  Zelliot Eleanor, From Untouchable to Dalit (Manohar, 1996)
      

     



Dr. Ambedkar: No less a patriot than anyone else


Dr Ambedkar’s life should be viewed as a part of a larger and ‘a correlated but different freedom struggle, one for the liberation of the most oppressed sections of Indian society.This was a liberation movement wider and deeper than that of fighting colonialism’

(Originally published in the webzine The Beacon as Political Freedom, Social Emancipator, October 30, 2017)

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar has been accused of siding with the British and keeping distance from India’s freedom movement which resulted in the alienation of the Dalits from the movement. While it is true that Dr. Ambedkar participated in none of the movements against the British rule that were led by Mahatma Gandhi and the Congress, it would be enlightening in this regard to view the Indian political scenario from 1930s till Independence from the perspective of Dr. Ambedkar and the Depressed Classes of India. In this regard attention may be drawn to a moot guiding principle in his thinking he happened to reveal in a very forceful speech he gave while participating in a Bombay Legislative Assembly debate on 26 October 1939. The point has been brought out very lucidly in this address and it would not therefore be out of place to quote an excerpt from it. Dr. Ambedkar says:

The emancipator
I know my position has not been understood properly in the country. It has often been misunderstood. Let me, therefore, take this opportunity to clarify my position...Whenever there has been a conflict between my personal interests and the interests of the country as a whole, I have always placed the claim of the country above my own personal claims... But I will also leave no doubt in the minds of the people of this country that I have another loyalty to which I am bound and which I can never forsake. That loyalty is the community of untouchables, in which I am born, to which I belong, and which I hope I shall never desert. And I say this to this House as strongly as I possibly can, that whenever there is any conflict of interest between the country and the untouchables, so far as I am concerned, the untouchables' interests will take precedence over the interests of the country. I am not going to support a tyrannising majority simply because it happens to speak in the name of the country. I am not going to support a party because it happens to speak in the name of the country. I shall not do that. Let everybody here and everywhere understand that that is my position. As between the country and myself, the country will have precedence; as between the country and the Depressed Classes, the Depressed Classes will have precedence—the country will not have precedence.”
It is very plain from the above  that Dr Ambedkar was fiercely loyal to the interests of the untouchables and in fact of the whole community of the Depressed Classes. It therefore followed naturally that he remained steadfastly opposed to any individual, idea, organisation or movement that he felt was not in the interest of the Depressed Classes.Thus, since in his view the idea of the freedom from the British rule as it existed then did not in any way incorporate furtherence of interests of the Depressed Classes, he distanced himself from any of the freedom movements, particularly those undertaken by the Indian National Congress under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi.These include the Non-Cooperation Movement of 1920-21, Civil Disobedience Movement of 1030-31 and the Quit India Movement of 1942.
In other words, had Dr. Ambedkar felt convinced of the sincerity of the leaders of the freedom movement with regard to the interests of the Depressed Classes, he might have extended them cooperation. And in that case, the fight for the freedom from the British rule and the one for the freedom from the social injustice could have been concurrent and simultaneous.
Unfortunately this did not happen since Dr. Ambedkar never felt that the interests of the Depressed Classes would ever be attended to appropriately by either the Indian National Congress or by the Mahatma who was the supreme leader of the movement under its auspices. A few broad reasons as below may be identified for the total absence of any meeting ground for Dr. Ambedkar and the leaders of the Freedom Movement:
The freedom fighter
1. The Freedom Movement, Dr. Ambedkar felt, was overwhelmed by the single goal of attainment of freedom from the British and had therefore little space for the interests of the Depressed Classes. This exclusive focus on the political gain had its roots in the well-known controversy at the time of  Lokmanya Tilak, G. G. Agarkar and later Justice M. G. Ranade as to whether political reforms should precede social reforms or the other way. In a speech that he gave under the auspices of the Deccan Sabha of Pune in 1940, titled ‘Ranade, Gandhi & Jinnah’, Dr Ambedkar sided with Justice Ranade and maintained that the thesis that political reforms should precede the social reforms was untenable. The opponents of Justice Ranade maintained that the attainment of political power first was a precondition for protection of rights of the people or conferment of these rights on them, if they did not exist. Dr. Ambedkar however felt that as things stood then, the rights existed only for the minority of people and the vast majority of population stood deprived of these rights. Thus for this vast majority, the rights did not exist in the first place and therefore the question of their protection on attainment of political power did not arise. Secondly, he maintained that even if the rights were conferred on the majority after the political reforms were achieved, these would not be effective since ‘the rights are protected not by law but by the social and moral conscience of society.’ Dr. Ambedkar felt that the Indian society lacked this conscience and in its absence the conferment of political rights on people would be infructuous. He also further maintained that a self-government was not necessarily a good government since a democratic self-government would be effective only in an atmosphere of social democracy which was absent in the Indian society.  
2. The Freedom Movement was dominated by the caste Hindus who, Dr Ambedkar felt, had been by and large ruthlessly indifferent to the fate of the Depressed Classes and were unlikely to change in an independent India. In the speech in the Bombay Legislative Assembly referred to above, Dr. Ambedkar quotes numerous instances to show the continued social injustice by the caste Hindus on the Depressed Classes. This was despite the Herculean efforts by the leaders of the Depressed Classes since the later part of the 19th century to ameliorate their conditions and combat injustice. Dr. Ambedkar thus knew well that only a miracle would work a sudden change of attitude of the caste Hindus on attainment of freedom and self-rule and therefore averred attainment of social democracy prior to political democracy.
3. Even if  Dr. Ambedkar had waited for social reforms for removal of untouchability to follow the political freedom, there was a marked difference of approach toward the problem between him and Gandhi. While Gandhi felt there was no place for untouchability in the caste system and disapproved of  caste inequality, he did approve of the caste system in the form of varnashram and felt that untouchability should be removed within the framework of the varnashram. He therefore relied largely on the change of heart of the caste Hindus.
Dr. Ambedkar’s programme for the removal of untouchability on the other hand focused on uplifting the standard of education of the untouchables and integrating them into the Indian society as modern politically strong citizens with aspirations to rise to the level of the highest Hindu.That is why the motto ‘Educate, Agitate and Organise’ became the motto of the whole Dalit movement not only before Independence but also afterwards.    
In view of these fundamental differences in approach toward and perception of the problem of untouchability between Dr. Ambedkar and Mahatma Gandhi, it was little wonder that the two men, great souls as they were both, could never find an amicable meeting ground on the Indian political firmament till the end of their life. This is probably the most unfortunate political fact of  the modern Indian history.
It would be sinful however to dub Dr. Ambedkar anti-national or a stooge of British government for having kept from the freedom struggle. There are numerous instances when prominent Indian public men including Justice M. G. Ranade, G. K. Gokhale, Dadabhai Nowroji, Pherojshah Mehta and others preferred redressal of peoples’ grievances through legislative and constitutional methods. In a speech in 1917, Shahu Chhatrapati, the ruler of Kolhapur, stated that political independence in the face of a rigid and exploitative caste system would only mean the power in the hands of a few bent on exploitation of the lower classes. He went further and underlined the need for British support and counsel till the evil of caste system had disappeared. While these men of prominence did face criticism at the hands of their contemporaries, their views today are perceived with reference to their context. None of them is regarded as having worked against the interest of the country. Dr. Ambedkar should be no exception.
In the independent India, as the Chairman of the Drafting Committee of the Constitution, Dr. Ambedkar made a lasting contribution to India’s stature in the comity of nations as the world’s largest democracy.
Beyond this Dr Ambedkar’s life should be viewed as a part of a larger and ‘a correlated but different freedom struggle, one for the liberation of the most oppressed sections of Indian society. This was a liberation movement wider and deeper than that of fighting colonialism, focusing on the kind of new nation that was to be built’ (Gail Omvedt in  'Ambedkar: Towards an Enlightened India'). The freedom struggle that Dr. Ambedkar waged was no less dignified than the the fight against the British rule in that it was an attempt of the weakest of the weak to allow them a rightful place in the society and a life of a human being, respectful and honourable. In the long term perspective, the movement benefitted the caste Hindus as well for no society can thrive for long at the cost of development of one of its own segments. The individual who led this great liberation movement was a true friend of human freedom. The greatness of his mission transcends the boundaries of any kind and shines as the lodestar for the movements of the oppressed everywhere.   

 


A Scholar-Activist in the Making: Dr. B. R. Ambedkar during 1913-1923

A brief review of Dr B. R. Ambedkar’s early career as a scholar and as an activist from 1913 to 1923 with particular reference to his stay in London during July 1920-April 1923

(Originally published in the webzine The Beacon as Portrait of a Scholar and Activist: Ambedkar as a Young Man; December 30, 2018)

The years 1913 through 1923 represent a very significant part of Ambedkar’s early career both as a scholar and as a social activist. While these years shaped his mind during his youthful and impressionable age, their impact must have lasted through the rest of his life. The period may be considered in four segments as below:  

■ New York (July 21, 1913-May 1916)
(TWO YEARS & TEN MONTHS)

Bahishkrit Hitakarini Sabha: The organisation that marked the birth of a remarkable career

The formation of Bahishkrit Hitakarini Sabha in 1924 that marked the birth of the exceptionally remarkable career of public service of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar must be regarded as a  milestone in India’s Dalit movement. The month of July this year will mark the ninetieth anniversary of the event.

While Dr Ambedkar had started a fortnightly journal Mooknayak (Leader of the Dumb) earlier in 1920, the formation of the Bahishkrit Hitakarini Sabha (‘Society for the Uplift of the Depressed Classes’) on 20 July 1924 was Dr Ambedkar’s first organisational effort for the betterment of the conditions of the untouchables. The Sabha was the first ever organisation he started for giving vent to and represent the grievances of the untouchable community.

The formation of the organisation was preceded by a meeting of the concerned persons called by Dr Ambedkar about four months earlier on 9 March at Damodar Hall, Parel, Mumbai which also became the official address of the Society on its formal establishment. The purpose of the meeting was to discuss the need to establish an organisation which could place the social and political problems of the untouchables before the government. As another precursor to the formation of the Sabha, a conference was also held at Barshi in May where Dr Ambedkar laid emphasis on the political awakening and rights of the untouchables, and the need for an organisation.

The logo of the Sabha featuring the famous slogan:
Educate, Agitate, Organise
Dr Ambedkar worded ‘Educate, Agitate and Organise’ as the motto of the organisation, indicating very clearly that the key to the improvement in the conditions of the untouchables lay in their own hands. Thus Dr Ambedkar was very clear as to the means the organisation wanted to employ to achieve its objective of uplifting the untouchable community. It was to bring about a change in the untouchable community itself rather than make efforts for a favourable change in the attitude of the caste Hindus.


The main objectives of the Sabha were conceived as follows:
1. To accumulate information with regard to the present state of the untouchables and publicise it with a view to moulding public opinion.
2. To make efforts so that the government feels called upon to defend the rights of the untouchable community, and to secure such facilities from the government as are needed for its development.
3. To undertake programmes to create awareness of their rights among the untouchables and to engage a cadre of workers for the purpose.
4.  To promote education among the untouchables, establish libraries and hostels, endow  scholarships for the deserving candidates, organise kirtanas to foster public awareness and prepare plans for the economic betterment of the untouchables with a view to submitting them to the concerned authorities for action.
5. To make efforts to bring about by any other means an overall improvement in the conditions of the untouchables.   
Some of the members of the Sabha from left to right: G. K. Nariman, Sir R. P. Paranjpe, Sir Chimanlal Setalwad
and B. G. Kher 
The Board of Trustees of the organisation consisted of well-known public figures of the day.It was presided over by Sir Chimanlal Setalwad, eminent lawyer of the day who had served as a member of the Hunter Commission of Inquiry following the Jallianwala Bagh Massacre in 1919. The six Vice-residents were: Meyer Nissim, Justice of the Peace, actively involved in Jewish communal affaitrs, who later became Mayor of Bombay; Rustomji Jinwala, Solicitor; G. K. Nariman; Dr.R. P. Paranjape, famous mathematician who later became Vice Chancellor of the Pune and Lucknow Universities; Dr. V. P. Chavan, renowned linguist and anthropologist, and B. G. Kher who later became the first Prime Minister of Bombay Province.

The Managing Committee was chaired by Dr Ambedkar himself with Sitaram Namdev Shivtarkar as Secretary and Nivritti Tulshiram Jadhav as Treasurer.

The composition of these two important bodies thus seems to be very carefully devised. The Board of Trustees consisted of Parsis and high caste Hindus so that the organisation gains respectability in the eyes of the wider community cutting across the barriers of caste and faith. On the other hand, in view of the fact that the Managing Committee of an organisation is generally responsible for its ground activities and the implementation of its programmes and policies, all the three members of the Managing Committee of the Sabha were untouchables.Thus the main initiative of the Sabha rested in the hands of those whose interests were directly affected by the success and failure of its programmes.

The annual report of the Sabha for the year 1925 mentioned a range of activities undertaken by it:
1. A hostel for the depressed classes near Sholapur which accommodated free of cost 15 high school students.
2. General work among the Mahars in the Nasik district with regard to the redress of their grievances in the Watandari matters.
3. A library and a reading room  for the depressed classes in the Improvement Trust Chawl in Byculla, a suburb of Bombay.
4. A Mahar Hockey Club presumably to wean away the Mahar youth from unhealthy habits like drinking and gambling.
5. Bahishkrit Vidyarthi Sammelan (Depressed Class Students’ Association) that aimed at cultivating a taste for knowledge and learning among the students and with this in mind brought out a students’ monthly called Saraswati Vilas.
6. Formation of three cooperative credit societies for the depressed classes.

For a general view of the Sabha’s work during its existence, the representations that Dr Ambedkar made as the leader of the untouchables and a range of conferences of depressed classes that he addressed as the founder of the Bahishkrit Hitakarini Sabha during its tenure of around 4 years may be added to this list.

In one of the communications to the govemobilise them behind him. The high point of these conferences was reached during the large scale mobilisation of untouchables that was effected by him during the Mahad Satyagraha (March 19-20 and December 25, 1927). The epic event confirmed Dr Ambedkar’s stature as the unquestionable leader of the untouchable community.

Dr Ambedkar may be said to have owed much to this fledgling though short-lived effort of his for the uplift of his community. For it gave him a formal platform to air the grievances of the untouchable community, helped him crystallise his views on the problem of untouchables and shaped the person he was for the next 32 years that he dominated as the most prominent leader of India’s Dalit movement.